A Day in Bishoftu:Errechaa a Quest for Identity?
From our Archive: The Amharic version of this piece was originally published on Addis Neger News paper. The settings and the interviews were taken in the previous year’s Errecha festival.
Bishoftu, a town known for its natural beauty, is once again preparing herself for an enormous number of visitors. The town’s administration expects four million people to visit the town on this day; some on pilgrimages and others visiting the yearly traditional Oromo festivities.
All of the town’s hotel rooms have been booked weeks ago. The roads are filled with people colorfully dressed in traditional Oromo clothing, transforming them into large cultural pageant stages. The roadsides and stadium host bazaars of different kinds. Thousands gather to take part in the music shows here and there. Some run in a group of 40-strong, holding their rifles on their shoulders and singing cultural songs. The heavily armed anti-riot police squad is everywhere; their shields, helmets and masks indicate what they are prepared for. Everyone appears to be focused in one direction–Hora Arsede, the lakeside venue of annual Oromo worship.
“Being a Waqefeta is being oneself”
The multitudes waving national and regional flags lend additional color to the festivities. T-shirts, scarves, banners and other articles of clothing printed in the colors of the flag add to the vibrancy. One can easily see the emotions behind the banners: “Erecha is our culture!” and, more frequently, “Waaqeffetaa Ta’uun of tauudha!” (literally meaning, “being a Waqefeta is being oneself!”). The end of the march is on the side of the lake sometimes called “Oda Buluqa” to indicate its nature as a shrine.
The eastern side of the lake hosts another cultural centre –the massive, old tree that appears to have been standing there from time immemorial. The area surrounding the shrine sends messages to each of the sensory organs. The calmness and the natural beauty of the lake, the birds of different species–in the air and on the water–and the surrounding lush, green hills are all to be venerated. The pilgrims have more to offer their god than the songs they sing. Some offer incense now and then, while women offer butter by smearing it on the trunk of the tree; others pour bottles of homemade beers or drop hidden things into the lake. Each of these offerings take place in the natural worship place that Abba Gadda, Negesse Negewo calls galma (a house or hall).
Circling the Oda tree, different groups of people sit creating their own smaller circles still. In the middle of each small circle there is a person sitting on a special mat and covering their head. They chant, bless and pray in the typical way of Ethiopian balewuqabi’s (spirit hosts). Small drums are beaten and people around them clap and ululate in veneration of their chants. Ceremonial coffee is also brewed and offered to these specialists who, it is believed, host the spirits that their followers pray to. These small ceremonies continue for days, beginning on the eve of the main Errecha festivity. The chants, songs, prayers and blessings are multi lingual–Oromiffa, Amharic, and Arabic are interchanged as necessary.
Sunday morning is when the official ceremony starts. The multitude begins to move towards the lake and the tree, following a group of gray-haired ladies who clasp a handful of fresh cut grass in one hand and a long, thin ceremonial cane in the other. They sing together with a smooth and sweet sound–“Oh mareo mareo”–in a repeating chorus, (meaning, “we have come back again after a year”). They kneel down by the side of the water and touch the water with the grass in their hands, then sprinkle it on their bodies and on the people behind them. The people follow in their steps and the sprinkling continues. Fulfilling their vows by offering their gifts and prayers, people leave the side of the lake to make room for the newcomers. But no one leaves the place until the Abba Gaddas (ceremony leaders) give their blessings and prayers.
The singing and dancing abates once the Abba Gaddas begin their prayers. The pilgrims receive their blessings, dutifully reciting “Amen” after every sentence of the Abba Gaddas’ prayers. The prayers encompass regional and national concerns–national peace, prosperous harvests and good health for the people and their animals. According to the Abba Gaddas, the usual animal sacrifice cannot be performed on this day due to the vast number of the pilgrims, and so it is postponed to the following Sunday when the second phase of the ceremonies will be held. After the traditional ceremony, the Abba Gaddas make an appearance on a televised program in which the president of the regional government and other dignitaries participate.
The song and dance continues once again. Chants and blessings flow in all directions, while the incoming pilgrims continue to fulfill their vows and the police try to decrease the number of people in the shrine. The newcomers come with new songs; some sing war-like songs while others fall into a trance-like state and shout frighteningly. Still others stand by, observing these things with fear and, in some cases, disgust. Some of the observers discuss the appropriateness of such acts in this place.
Abba Gadda Negesse Negewo suggests, in his brief interview with Addis Neger, that the scene is “inappropriate”. “Qalichas are not to come and chant in the shrine. They should do it in their own galmas, where it is appropriate for them,” says the Abba Gadda. Yet he has more compassion on those who fall into trances. “Some people’s zar (spirit) can stir up in such festivities,” he explains, though he indicates that, “they should be treated in their own houses.”
Thanks-giving Day
Erressa, or Erecha, is one of the main festivals celebrated within the traditional Oromo religion. The Abba Gadda from the Tulema clan, Negesse Negewo, explains the reason for the festival to Addis Neger, saying, “Erressa, or Errecha, is a thanks-giving day”. He continues, “The meaning of the word itself is thanks-giving or offering.” Another Abba Gadda from the Guji clan, Dambobe Agga, adds, “During this festival we thank Waqa (Oromo traditiona deity), for he has taken us out of the darkness, which is the winter.” Getachew Amente, who studies the Oromo traditional religion, explains why the winter is referenced as “darkness” within the religion. Particularly for Oromo farmers, he says, the season is “so harsh. Animals and people die because of flooding and storms and people cannot meet each other because the rivers are full. Moreover, the farmer’s barn is empty because they spill their grain in the belief of getting more harvest.”
According to Getachew, the struggle against the natural elements causes the people to seek a divine shield from Waqa. He draws his argument from the manner in which the festival is being celebrated. Getachew explains that Errecha is a biannual celebration; the first one will be celebrated at the beginning of the winter. He reveals that there is no need to celebrate this festival together, so each family instead seeks the face of Waqa by climbing a nearby hill. “This celebration is a celebration of prayers,” explains Getachew. “The prayers are prayers of supplication for Waqa’s gift of a proper rain and the removal of winter diseases.” According to Getachew, the second Errecha is a day for giving thanks, which differs in purpose from the first celebration.
Worship or Nationalism?
For followers like Getachew, the reason behind this splendid celebration is “the reestablishment of the Waqefena religion”. Getachew says that Waqefena (the traditional Oromo religion) was suppressed by former regimes. “In the era of the kings in Ethiopia,” explains Getachew, “the religion nearly died out because it was considered idol worship.” He also says that the Communist era was also not a good era for the religion, since all religions were discouraged by the regime. Getachew believes that now the religion is “given due respect”. He mentions some examples, noting, “the festival has become a national holiday on a regional basis, and the presence of the regional president and other dignitaries at the festival makes the people return to their fathers’ religion.”
Yet Tesfaye Fufa, Parliamentary Representative of the Oromo Federalist Congress, has another argument. “Yes, many Oromos show the inclination to follow their traditional religion. But,” he says, “what is expressed in these festivals is a quest for identity.” Tesfaye cites his reason, remarking, “most people who participate in the festival are followers of different religions. Most of the people who go to the festival go just to visit their fathers’ religion–no more than that.” In Tesfaye’s opinion, the festival coordinators share this motivation.
Abba Gadda Negesse has also observed that most people in the festival are not true followers of the religion. He too recognizes the contradictions between the visitor’s religion and Waqefenna. He notes, “There are some people who throw out their ceremonial beads.” But he says that there are also signs of the reestablishment of the Oromo traditional religion. He says, “Even if there are people who come for another purpose, the new generation is in search of their fathers’ religion.”
Is Ereech only for Oromos?
During the Sunday morning celebration and throughout the roadside music and dancing, the Oromo ethno-nationalist feelings are evidently high. The slogans, banners and songs are all expressions of this. Before and after the Sunday morning televised festival, one can easily see the multi-ethnic nature of Errecha. The worshippers after the ceremony seem to communicate with each other irrespective of ethnic differences. They sing, chant, and dance together in different languages and cultures. They pass their own blessings according to their own background, with the expected vigorous response “Amen!”
“Oh, coming to you, swimming unto you, I hope the boat breaks and I am eaten by a fish”
“Praise be to him, He took my sickness and made me worthy of befriending others”
These are Amharic phrases, sung by a young farmer named Debele Seyoum. He came to the festival from the area called Ajere, around Minjar. His earnest faith is expressed in his tone and willingness to sing to the spirit. He sings in Oromiffa and Arabic. Asked why he uses different languages, he answers, “As there are many saints in Christianity, there are many spirits.” He also says that he needs to use different languages in order to speak to the different spirits who speak in different languages.
The people in attendance are followers of different religions, as Tesfaye confirmed. “Today the day is Teklehaymanot’s! May Teklehaymanot fulfill your wishes!” says an old man giving his blessings. A lady standing in the middle of the water sprinkling ceremony prays in a broken, confessional tone, “Oh, Lord Jesus, this is my culture!” While others chant “Aselam aleyka” to the “Arabic speaking” spirits.
Abba Gadda Negesse indicates some inappropriate acts during the festival. One of the things he mentions is the ceremonial staff carried by many young participants. He says this staff, called boku, is not appropriate for every person to hold, since it is a sign of the power of the Abba Gaddas. All of the Abba Geddas that Addis Neger spoke to are similarly angry about this issue. “This is our scepter, the sign of our power,” say the Abba Gaddas.
Abba Gadda Negesse also wants to clarify the issue of the sacrifices and offerings made in the shrine, recognizing that this may be a questionable practice for many people of other religions. He explains that the reason behind the sacrifices and offerings in the lake and the tree is because “we cannot reach God. Had he been reachable, we could have given him the animals and other gifts. Because this is not possible, we make offerings to the things that he has created.” He wished to emphasize this point, saying, “we in the Oromo traditional religion, do not worship trees and lakes, but we worship Waqa tokich–one God who created them all.”
The festival will continue throughout the month. The Abba Gaddas say the animal sacrifice will be offered on the following Sunday in the same place. For some, these festivities are about returning to the religion they once left but, for others, it is a pursuit of their Oromo identity. Religion and identity converged?